Речь Обамы у Бранденбургских ворот — главное, текст в оригинале, видео. Прощание обамы Речь барака обамы на английском

Русский

Английский

Арабский немецкий английский испанский французский иврит итальянский японский голландский польский португальский румынский русский турецкий

На основании Вашего запроса эти примеры могут содержать грубую лексику.

На основании Вашего запроса эти примеры могут содержать разговорную лексику.

Перевод "выступление Барака Обамы" на английский

Другие переводы

Тысячи людей собрались, чтобы услышать выступление Барака Обамы о ключевых вопросах иностранной политики во время его нынешней европейской поездки.

Barack Obama deliver key foreign policy speech on his current European tour.">

Такими словами я бы выразил свои впечатления от обращения президента Обамы, - комментирует эксперт Московского Центра Карнеги Сергей Алексашенко выступление Барака Обамы 27 января 2010 г.

Lose its influence in society. Action is his slogan.">

Предложить пример

Другие результаты

Выступление президента Барака Обамы в Каирском университете было смелым, образным и своевременным.

Address of President Barack Obama"s was bold, imaginative, and timely.">

БРЮССЕЛЬ - Первые публичные выступления президента Барака Обамы за пределами Северной Америки - в Лондоне, Страсбурге, Праге и Стамбуле - привлекли к нему внимание мировой общественности.

Barack Obama"s first appearances outside North America - in London, Strasbourg, Prague, and Istanbul - galvanized world attention.">

Недавнее выступление президента США Барака Обамы на Ближнем Востоке является еще одним отображением снижения влияния США в регионе.

Barack Obama"s recent speech on the Middle East is a further display of America"s declining influence in the region.">

Комментарии со-председателя и со-основателя Мирового общественного форума «Диалог цивилизаций» Джагдиша Капура к выступлению Президента США Барака Обамы в Каирском университете 4 июня 2009 года.

Comments by the World Public Forum «Dialogue of Civilizations» co-chairman and co-founder Jagdish Kapur on the speech of the US President Barack Obama , delivered in Cairo University on June 4, 2009.

Speech of the US President Barack Obama , delivered in Cairo University on June 4, 2009.">

Вот так просто и однозначно, как передает турецкая пресса, министр иностранных дел Турции Ахмед Давудоглу предупреждает президента США Барака Обаму , предварительно подвергя "цензуре" его выступление 24 апреля. Будь я на месте Обамы , я бы обиделся на столь явный шантаж.

The authorities and "responsible" media confirm for six years that depriving the TV Company of air was not a limitation of the Freedom of speech ; it simply presented uninteresting projects in more than 10 contests for allocation a frequency.

Speech; it simply presented uninteresting projects in more than 10 contests for allocation a frequency.">

Как заявил на заседании Глобальной инициативы Клинтона 25 сентября 2012 года президент Соединенных Штатов Америки Барак Обама в своем выступлении по вопросу о торговле людьми, «это должно касаться каждого человека, поскольку подрывает наши общечеловеческие ценности.

The President of the United States of America, Barack Obama , stated, in his remarks on human trafficking at the Clinton Global Initiative on 25 September 2012, that it ought to concern every person, because it is a debasement of our common humanity.

Barack Obama, stated, in his remarks on human trafficking at the Clinton Global Initiative on 25 September 2012, that it ought to concern every person, because it is a debasement of our common humanity.">

Президент Соединенных Штатов Америки г-н Барак Обама ясно обрисовал существующую угрозу в своем выступлении в Праге в апреле 2009 года, когда он сказал: Сегодня «холодная война» ушла в прошлое, но тысячи единиц оружия тех времен остались.

The President of the United States, Mr. Barack Obama , pinpointed the current danger in his speech in April 2009 in Prague, when he said: Today, the cold war has disappeared but thousands of those weapons have not.

Barack Obama, pinpointed the current danger in his speech in April 2009 in Prague, when he said: Today, the cold war has disappeared but thousands of those weapons have not.">

Президент США Барак Обама действительно привлёк к данному вопросу внимание всего мира своим выступлением в Праге в 2009 г., убедив многих в необходимости создания мира без ядерного оружия.

Barack Obama did capture global attention with his Prague speech in 2009, which made a compelling case for a nuclear weapon-free world.">

Каковы бы ни были достоинства такого определения демократии, сохранение в силе этого закона резко контрастирует со словами, произнесенными нашим уважаемым другом и братом президентом Соединенных Штатов Бараком Обамой в его инаугурационном выступлении в Генеральной Ассамблее в ходе ее общих прений.

Whatever the merits of this definition of democracy, the continued application of the Act stands in marked contrast to the words uttered by our esteemed friend and brother President Barack Obama of the United States in his inaugural address to the General Assembly in its general debate.

Barack Obama of the United States in his inaugural address to the General Assembly in its general debate.">

Для того чтобы восстановить моральное лидерство, президент Барак Обама должен выполнить обещания, произнесенные в его ранних речах - например, в его выступлениях в Стамбуле и Каире в начале его президентства - в которых он продемонстрировал искреннее уважение к угнетенным.

In order to restore America"s moral leadership, President Barack Obama must make good on his early rhetoric - exemplified in his speeches in Istanbul and Cairo early in his presidency - which demonstrated genuine regard for the oppressed.

Barack Obama must make good on his early rhetoric - exemplified in his speeches in Istanbul and Cairo early in his presidency - which demonstrated genuine regard for the oppressed.">

Президент Соединенных Штатов Барак Обама говорил о необходимости избавления мира от ядерного оружия.

The President of the United States, Barack Obama , has spoken of the need to attain a world free of nuclear weapons.

Barack Obama"s victory speech – full text

US president addresses supporters in Chicago after decisively winning a second term

At a rally on Wednesday in his hometown of Chicago, Barack Obama delivers a victory speech Link to this video

Thank you. Thank you. Thank you so much. (Sustained cheers, applause.)

Tonight, more than 200 years after a former colony won the right to determine its own destiny, the task of perfecting our union moves forward . (Cheers, applause.)

It moves forward because of you. It moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war and depression, the spirit that has lifted this country from the depths of despair to the great heights of hope, the belief that while each of us will pursue our own individual dreams, we are an American family, and we rise or fall together as one nation and as one people. (Cheers, applause.)

Tonight, in this election, you, the American people, reminded us that while our road has been hard, while our journey has been long, we have picked ourselves up, we have fought our way back, and we know in our hearts that for the United States of America, the best is yet to come.

(Cheers, applause.) I want to thank every American who participated in this election. (Cheers, applause.) Whether you voted for the very first time (cheers) or waited in line for a very long time (cheers) – by the way, we have to fix that – (cheers, applause) – whether you pounded the pavement or picked up the phone (cheers, applause), whether you held an Obama sign or a Romney sign, you made your voice heard and you made a difference. (Cheers, applause.)

I just spoke with Governor Romney and I congratulated him and Paul Ryan on a hard-fought campaign. (Cheers, applause.) We may have battled fiercely, but it"s only because we love this country deeply and we care so strongly about its future. From George to Lenore to their son Mitt, the Romney family has chosen to give back to America through public service. And that is a legacy that we honour and applaud tonight. (Cheers, applause.) In the weeks ahead, I also look forward to sitting down with Governor Romney to talk about where we can work together to move this country forward.

(Cheers, applause.)

I want to thank my friend and partner of the last four years, America"s happy warrior, the best vice-president anybody could ever hope for, Joe Biden. (Cheers, applause.)

And I wouldn"t be the man I am today without the woman who agreed to marry me 20 years ago. (Cheers, applause.) Let me say this publicly. Michelle, I have never loved you more. (Cheers, applause.) I have never been prouder to watch the rest of America fall in love with you too as our nation"s first lady. (Cheers, applause.)

Sasha and Malia – (cheers, applause) – before our very eyes, you"re growing up to become two strong, smart, beautiful young women, just like your mom. (Cheers, applause.) And I am so proud of you guys. But I will say that, for now, one dog"s probably enough. (Laughter.)

To the best campaign team and volunteers in the history of politics – (cheers, applause) – the best – the best ever – (cheers, applause) – some of you were new this time around, and some of you have been at my side since the very beginning.

(Cheers, applause.) But all of you are family. No matter what you do or where you go from here, you will carry the memory of the history we made together. (Cheers, applause.) And you will have the lifelong appreciation of a grateful president. Thank you for believing all the way – (cheers, applause) – to every hill, to every valley. (Cheers, applause.) You lifted me up the whole day, and I will always be grateful for everything that you"ve done and all the incredible work that you"ve put in. (Cheers, applause.)

I know that political campaigns can sometimes seem small, even silly. And that provides plenty of fodder for the cynics who tell us that politics is nothing more than a contest of egos or the domain of special interests. But if you ever get the chance to talk to folks who turned out at our rallies and crowded along a rope line in a high school gym or – or saw folks working late at a campaign office in some tiny county far away from home, you"ll discover something else.

You"ll hear the determination in the voice of a young field organiser who"s working his way through college and wants to make sure every child has that same opportunity. (Cheers, applause.) You"ll hear the pride in the voice of a volunteer who"s going door to door because her brother was finally hired when the local auto plant added another shift. (Cheers, applause.)

You"ll hear the deep patriotism in the voice of a military spouse who"s working the phones late at night to make sure that no one who fights for this country ever has to fight for a job or a roof over their head when they come home. (Cheers, applause.)

That"s why we do this. That"s what politics can be. That"s why elections matter. It"s not small, it"s big. It"s important. Democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy and complicated. We have our own opinions. Each of us has deeply held beliefs. And when we go through tough times, when we make big decisions as a country, it necessarily stirs passions, stirs up controversy. That won"t change after tonight. And it shouldn"t. These arguments we have are a mark of our liberty, and we can never forget that as we speak, people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter – (cheers, applause) – the chance to cast their ballots like we did today.

But despite all our differences, most of us share certain hopes for America"s future.

We want our kids to grow up in a country where they have access to the best schools and the best teachers – (cheers, applause) – a country that lives up to its legacy as the global leader in technology and discovery and innovation – (scattered cheers, applause) – with all of the good jobs and new businesses that follow.

We want our children to live in an America that isn"t burdened by debt, that isn"t weakened up by inequality, that isn"t threatened by the destructive power of a warming planet. (Cheers, applause.)

We want to pass on a country that"s safe and respected and admired around the world, a nation that is defended by the strongest military on Earth and the best troops this – this world has ever known – (cheers, applause) – but also a country that moves with confidence beyond this time of war to shape a peace that is built on the promise of freedom and dignity for every human being.

We believe in a generous America, in a compassionate America, in a tolerant America open to the dreams of an immigrant"s daughter who studies in our schools and pledges to our flag – (cheers, applause) – to the young boy on the south side of Chicago who sees a life beyond the nearest street corner – (cheers, applause) – to the furniture worker"s child in North Carolina who wants to become a doctor or a scientist, an engineer or an entrepreneur, a diplomat or even a president.

That"s the – (cheers, applause) – that"s the future we hope for.

(Cheers, applause.) That"s the vision we share. That"s where we need to go – forward. (Cheers, applause.) That"s where we need to go. (Cheers, applause.)

Now, we will disagree, sometimes fiercely, about how to get there. As it has for more than two centuries, progress will come in fits and starts. It"s not always a straight line. It"s not always a smooth path. By itself, the recognition that we have common hopes and dreams won"t end all the gridlock, resolve all our problems or substitute for the painstaking work of building consensus and making the difficult compromises needed to move this country forward.

But that common bond is where we must begin. Our economy is recovering. A decade of war is ending. (Cheers, applause.) A long campaign is now over. (Cheers, applause.) And whether I earned your vote or not, I have listened to you. I have learned from you. And you"ve made me a better president. And with your stories and your struggles, I return to the White House more determined and more inspired than ever about the work there is to do and the future that lies ahead. (Cheers, applause.)

Tonight you voted for action, not politics as usual. (Cheers, applause.) You elected us to focus on your jobs, not ours.

And in the coming weeks and months, I am looking forward to reaching out and working with leaders of both parties to meet the challenges we can only solve together – reducing our deficit, reforming our tax code, fixing our immigration system, freeing ourselves from foreign oil. We"ve got more work to do. (Cheers, applause.)

But that doesn"t mean your work is done. The role of citizens in our democracy does not end with your vote. America"s never been about what can be done for us; it"s about what can be done by us together, through the hard and frustrating but necessary work of self-government. (Cheers, applause.) That"s the principle we were founded on.

This country has more wealth than any nation, but that"s not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military in history, but that"s not what makes us strong. Our university, our culture are all the envy of the world, but that"s not what keeps the world coming to our shores. What makes America exceptional are the bonds that hold together the most diverse nation on Earth, the belief that our destiny is shared – (cheers, applause) – that this country only works when we accept certain obligations to one another and to future generations, so that the freedom which so many Americans have fought for and died for come with responsibilities as well as rights, and among those are love and charity and duty and patriotism. That"s what makes America great. (Cheers, applause.)

I am hopeful tonight because I have seen this spirit at work in America. I"ve seen it in the family business whose owners would rather cut their own pay than lay off their neighbours and in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see a friend lose a job. I"ve seen it in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb and in those Seals who charged up the stairs into darkness and danger because they knew there was a buddy behind them watching their back. (Cheers, applause.) I"ve seen it on the shores of New Jersey and New York, where leaders from every party and level of government have swept aside their differences to help a community rebuild from the wreckage of a terrible storm. (Cheers, applause.)

And I saw it just the other day in Mentor, Ohio, where a father told the story of his eight-year-old daughter whose long battle with leukaemia nearly cost their family everything had it not been for healthcare reform passing just a few months before the insurance company was about to stop paying for her care. (Cheers, applause.) I had an opportunity to not just talk to the father but meet this incredible daughter of his. And when he spoke to the crowd, listening to that father"s story, every parent in that room had tears in their eyes because we knew that little girl could be our own.

And I know that every American wants her future to be just as bright. That"s who we are. That"s the country I"m so proud to lead as your president. (Cheers, applause.)

And tonight, despite all the hardship we"ve been through, despite all the frustrations of Washington, I"ve never been more hopeful about our future. (Cheers, applause.) I have never been more hopeful about America. And I ask you to sustain that hope.

I"m not talking about blind optimism, the kind of hope that just ignores the enormity of the tasks ahead or the road blocks that stand in our path. I"m not talking about the wishful idealism that allows us to just sit on the sidelines or shirk from a fight. I have always believed that hope is that stubborn thing inside us that insists, despite all the evidence to the contrary, that something better awaits us so long as we have the courage to keep reaching, to keep working, to keep fighting. (Cheers, applause.)

America, I believe we can build on the progress we"ve made and continue to fight for new jobs and new opportunities and new security for the middle class. I believe we can keep the promise of our founding, the idea that if you"re willing to work hard, it doesn"t matter who you are or where you come from or what you look like or where you love. It doesn"t matter whether you"re black or white or Hispanic or Asian or Native American or young or old or rich or poor, abled, disabled, gay or straight. (Cheers, applause.) You can make it here in America if you"re willing to try.

(Cheers, applause.)

I believe we can seize this future together because we are not as divided as our politics suggests. We"re not as cynical as the pundits believe. We are greater than the sum of our individual ambitions and we remain more than a collection of red states and blue states. We are, and forever will be, the United States of America. (Cheers, applause.)

And together, with your help and God"s grace, we will continue our journey forward and remind the world just why it is that we live in the greatest nation on earth. (Cheers, applause.) Thank you, America. (Cheers, applause.) God bless you. God bless these United States. (Cheers, applause.)

www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/nov/07/barack-obama-speech-full-text

Если вы читаете наш блог регулярно, вы не могли не заметить, как часто мы использовали семью Обамы в целях изучения английского языка. Это были и юмористические шоу, в которых принимала участие парочка Мишель-Барак, и разбор ругательных твитов, которые он сам про себя читал, и его планы на будущее... Вы можете посмотреть эти записи по тэгу . Нам было интересно разбирать выступления Обамы, они всегда были полны искрометного юмора, самоиронии и в то же время были пронизаны невероятной нежностью к своей семье. Это был богатый, красочный английский язык, с элементами современного слэнга, что не в последнюю очередь обусловлено тесным общением президента Америки со своими юными дочерьми. Мы не будем обсуждать здесь политику. Английский язык Барака Обамы был достоин того, чтобы использовать его выступления в обучении. К тому же эти выступления были регулярными и всегда можно было найти скрипты, если что-то непонятно.

Вчера Барак Обама выступил с прощальной речью (farewell speech) перед американцами и разместил в своем твитере прощальный твит, который уже набрал более 700 тысяч ретвитов и продолжает набирать вирусную популярность.
"Thank you for everything. My last ask is the same as my first. I"m asking you to believe—not in my ability to create change, but in yours" - Спасибо за всё. Моя последняя просьба такая же, как и первая. Я прошу вас верить - не в мои возможности создавать изменения, но в ваши.

Прощальная речь Обамы достаточно объемна. Мы не сможем разобрать ее всю. Вы можете сделать это сами, под видео мы публикуем транскрипт речи в полном объеме с нашими ремарками.

Hello, Chicago! It"s good to be home! Thank you, everybody. Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. All right, everybody sit down. We"re on live TV here. (Мы в прямом эфире ). I"ve got to move. You can tell that I"m a lame duck (lame duck - здесь игра слов, данное выражение может быть переведено как хромая утка, т.е. неудачник, не справившийся с задачей, однако в современном американском языке это выражение широко используется в значении политический деятель, завершающий свое пребывание на данном посту, таким образом, Обама снова шутит) because nobody is following instructions. Everybody have a seat.

My fellow Americans (соотечественники, сограждане ), Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well wishes that we"ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight, it"s my turn to say thanks. Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people, in living rooms and in schools, at farms, on factory floors, at diners and on distant military outposts — those conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.

So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early 20s. And I was still trying to figure out who I was, still searching for a purpose in my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.

THE PRESIDENT: I can"t do that.

AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!

THE PRESIDENT: This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it.

After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it"s not just my belief. It"s the beating heart of our American idea — our bold experiment in self-government. It"s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights (определенными неотъемлемыми правами ), among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness (стремление быть счастливыми ). It"s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

What a radical idea. A great gift that our Founders gave to us: The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat and toil and imagination, and the imperative to strive together, as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good.

For 240 years, our nation"s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It"s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It"s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande. It"s what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It"s what powered workers to organize. It"s why GIs (G.I. - слэнговое существительное, используется для описания американских солдат, считается, что название произошло от аббревиатуры "Government Issue" или "General Issue", однако происхождение сокращения также может относится и к "galvanized iron" - оцинкованное железо, используемое службами материально-технического обеспечения ВС США) gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima, Iraq and Afghanistan. And why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs, as well.

So that"s what we mean when we say America is exceptional — not that our nation has been flawless (безупречна) from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change and make life better for those who follow. Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard. It"s always been contentious. Sometimes it"s been bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all and not just some.

If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession (даст обратный ход стагнации ), reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history (запустит самую длинную полосу создания рабочих мест в нашей истории) if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran"s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind (ликвидируем организатора) of 9/11 if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens if I had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high. But that"s what we did. That"s what you did.

You were the change. You answered people"s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

In 10 days, the world will witness a hallmark (отличительная черта) of our democracy.

AUDIENCE: Nooo —

THE PRESIDENT: No, no, no, no, no — the peaceful transfer of power from one freely elected President to the next. I committed to President-elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it"s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency (порядочность) of our people. Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation (независимо от партийной принадлежности) or particular interests, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

That"s what I want to focus on tonight: The state of our democracy. Understand, democracy does not require uniformity (единообразие) . Our founders argued. They quarreled. Eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity — the idea that for all our outward differences (внешние различия) , we"re all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.

There have been moments throughout our history that threatens that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism — these forces haven"t just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy, as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.

To begin with, our democracy won"t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. And the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I"ve said and I mean it — if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we"ve made to our health care system and that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it.

Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit, but to make people"s lives better.

But for all the real progress that we"ve made, we know it"s not enough. Our economy doesn"t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class. That"s the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic ideal. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and in rural counties, have been left behind — the laid-off factory worker; the waitress or health care worker who"s just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills — convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful — that"s a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

But there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won"t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

And so we"re going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need to give workers the power to unionize (право объединяться в профсоюзы) for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now, and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from this new economy don"t avoid their obligations to the country that"s made their very success possible.

We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can"t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don"t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

There"s a second threat to our democracy — and this one is as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. Now, I"ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10, or 20, or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say. You can see it not just in statistics, you see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.

But we"re not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do. If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we"re unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don"t look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America"s workforce. And we have shown that our economy doesn"t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

So if we"re going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system. That is what our Constitution and our highest ideals require.

But laws alone won"t be enough. Hearts must change. It won"t change overnight (это не произойдет в одночасье) . Social attitudes (социальная отношения) oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in American fiction — Atticus Finch who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

For blacks and other minority groups, it means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face — not only the refugee, or the immigrant, or the rural poor (сельская беднота) , or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who, from the outside, may seem like he"s got advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic and cultural and technological change. We have to pay attention, and listen.

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn"t suddenly vanish in the "60s that when minority groups voice discontent, they"re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness. When they wage peaceful protest, they"re not demanding special treatment but the equal treatment that our Founders promised.

For native-born (коренные) Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles — who it was said we"re going to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out, America wasn"t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation"s creed, and this nation was strengthened.

So regardless of the station that we occupy, we all have to try harder. We all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

And that"s not easy to do. For too many of us, it"s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste — all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it"s true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there.

And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. But politics is a battle of ideas. That"s how our democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter then we"re going to keep talking past each other, and we"ll make common ground and compromise impossible.

And isn"t that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we"re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It"s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it"s self-defeating. Because, as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we"ve halved our dependence on foreign oil; we"ve doubled our renewable energy; we"ve led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won"t have time to debate the existence of climate change. They"ll be busy dealing with its effects: more environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country — the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.

It is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse — the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

It"s that spirit — a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might — that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression; that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but built on principles — the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion, and speech, and assembly, and an independent press.

That order is now being challenged — first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets and open democracies and and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what"s true and what"s right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, because of our intelligence officers, and law enforcement, and diplomats who support our troops no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years. And although Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists — including bin Laden. The global coalition we"re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe.

And to all who serve or have served, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude.

But protecting our way of life, that"s not just the job of our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So, just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.

And that"s why, for the past eight years, I"ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That"s why we"ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That"s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans, who are just as patriotic as we are.

That"s why we cannot withdraw from big global fights — to expand democracy, and human rights, and women"s rights, and LGBT rights. No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that"s part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let"s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for — — and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

Which brings me to my final point: Our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our congressional districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.

But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power (маятник власти) happens to be swinging.

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it"s really just a piece of parchment (кусок пергамента) . It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. We, the people, give it meaning. With our participation, and with the choices that we make, and the alliances that we forge. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. That"s up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth.” And so we have to preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character aren"t even willing to enter into public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen not just as misguided but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.

It falls to each of us to be those those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we"ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we, in fact, all share the same proud title, the most important office in a democracy: Citizen. Citizen.

So, you see, that"s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there"s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you"re tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real life. If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you"re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Stay at it.

Sometimes you"ll win. Sometimes you"ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in other people, that can be a risk, and there will be times when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America — and in Americans — will be confirmed.

Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I"ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church. I"ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I"ve seen wounded warriors who at points were given up for dead walk again. I"ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I"ve seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees, or work for peace, and, above all, to look out for each other.

So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change — that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope your faith has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004, in 2008, 2012 maybe you still can"t believe we pulled this whole thing off. Let me tell you, you"re not the only ones.

Michelle Michelle LaVaughn Robinson, girl of the South Side for the past 25 years, you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend. You took on a role you didn"t ask for and you made it your own, with grace and with grit and with style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And the new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. So you have made me proud. And you have made the country proud.

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women. You are smart and you are beautiful, but more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I"ve done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad.

To Joe Biden the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware"s favorite son — you were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives.

To my remarkable staff: For eight years — and for some of you, a whole lot more — I have drawn from your energy, and every day I tried to reflect back what you displayed — heart, and character, and idealism. I"ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good that we"ve done is the thought of all the amazing things that you"re going to achieve from here.

And to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change — you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will be forever grateful. Because you did change the world. You did.

And that"s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans, it has inspired so many Americans — especially so many young people out there — to believe that you can make a difference to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.

Let me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic — I"ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America. You know that constant change has been America"s hallmark; that it"s not something to fear but something to embrace. You are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You"ll soon outnumber all of us, and I believe as a result the future is in good hands.

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won"t stop. In fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young or whether you"re young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President — the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago. I"m asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change — but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can.

Yes, we did. Yes, we can. Thank you. God bless you. May God continue to bless the United States of America.

Обама сделал свое дело! Не 200 тысяч слушателей, как пять лет назад, а всего 4 000, без «крылатых» фраз, зато «на злобу дня», немного о России… Президент США выступил перед Бранденбургскими воротами — без блеска, но добротно. Саммари на русском, текст речи Барака Обамы на английском и видео вы можете найти ниже.

Что Обама сказал Берлину

Речь у Бранденбургских ворот длилась примерно тридцать минут. Обама то вспоминал о заслугах «приютившего» его города и его жителей, то цитировал великого немца Канта, отдал должное Marschall-Plan, мятежу рабочих в Германской демократической республике (17.06.1953), событиям «лихих восьмидесятых-девяностых».

— Защита окружающей среды, которая «напоминает» о себе всё чаще.
— Ещё активнее следует решать проблемы голодающих и людей, находящихся за чертой бедности.
— «Фобиям» — бой! В том числе отсутствию толерантности по отношению к ЛГБТ-сообществу.
— Не обошел Барак Обама и «российскую» тему . Повод вспомнить нашу страну, правда, был «безобидным». Президент США предложил начать новые переговоры — по дальнейшему снижению наступательного потенциала обеих сторон. Америка и её союзники преспокойно обойдутся без 1/3 своих боеголовок. На новых переговорах будет обсуждаться утилизация тактического ядерного оружия РФ и США.

Для тех, кто понимает

… мы предлагаем текст выступления Барака Обамы на английском языке. В конце материала — видеоролик речи Обамы у Бранденбургских ворот:

Hello, Berlin! (Applause.) Thank you, Chancellor Merkel, for your leadership, your friendship, and the example of your life - from a child of the East to the leader of a free and united Germany. As I\’ve said, Angela and I don\’t exactly look like previous German and American leaders. But the fact that we can stand here today, along the fault line where a city was divided, speaks to an eternal truth: No wall can stand against the yearning of justice, the yearnings for freedom, the yearnings for peace that burns in the human heart. (Applause.)

Mayor Wowereit, distinguished guests, and especially the people of Berlin and of Germany - thank you for this extraordinarily warm welcome. In fact, it\’s so warm and I feel so good that I\’m actually going to take off my jacket, and anybody else who wants to, feel free to. (Applause.) We can be a little more informal among friends. (Applause.)

As your Chancellor mentioned, five years ago I had the privilege to address this city as senator. Today, I\’m proud to return as President of the United States. (Applause.) And I bring with me the enduring friendship of the American people, as well as my wife, Michelle, and Malia and Sasha. (Applause.) You may notice that they\’re not here. The last thing they want to do is to listen to another speech from me. (Laughter.) So they\’re out experiencing the beauty and the history of Berlin. And this history speaks to us today.

Here, for thousands of years, the people of this land have journeyed from tribe to principality to nation-state; through Reformation and Enlightenment, renowned as a «land of poets and thinkers», among them Immanuel Kant, who taught us that freedom is the «unoriginated birthright of man, and it belongs to him by force of his humanity.»

Here, for two centuries, this gate stood tall as the world around it convulsed - through the rise and fall of empires; through revolutions and republics; art and music and science that reflected the height of human endeavor, but also war and carnage that exposed the depths of man\’s cruelty to man.

It was here that Berliners carved out an island of democracy against the greatest of odds. As has already been mentioned, they were supported by an airlift of hope, and we are so honored to be joined by Colonel Halvorsen, 92 years old - the original «candy bomber.» We could not be prouder of him. (Applause.) I hope I look that good, by the way, when I\’m 92. (Laughter.)

During that time, a Marshall Plan seeded a miracle, and a North Atlantic Alliance protected our people. And those in the neighborhoods and nations to the East drew strength from the knowledge that freedom was possible here, in Berlin - that the waves of crackdowns and suppressions might therefore someday be overcome.

Today, 60 years after they rose up against oppression, we remember the East German heroes of June 17th. When the wall finally came down, it was their dreams that were fulfilled. Their strength and their passion, their enduring example remind us that for all the power of militaries, for all the authority of governments, it is citizens who choose whether to be defined by a wall, or whether to tear it down. (Applause.)

And we¹re now surrounded by the symbols of a Germany reborn. A rebuilt Reichstag and its glistening glass dome. An American embassy back at its historic home on Pariser Platz. (Applause.) And this square itself, once a desolate no man\’s land, is now open to all. So while I am not the first American President to come to this gate, I am proud to stand on its Eastern side to pay tribute to the past. (Applause.)

For throughout all this history, the fate of this city came down to a simple question: Will we live free or in chains? Under governments that uphold our universal rights, or regimes that suppress them? In open societies that respect the sanctity of the individual and our free will, or in closed societies that suffocate the soul?

As free peoples, we stated our convictions long ago. As Americans, we believe that «all men are created equal» with the right to life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And as Germans, you declared in your Basic Law that «the dignity of man is inviolable.» (Applause.)

Around the world, nations have pledged themselves to a Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which recognizes the inherent dignity and rights of all members of our human family.

And this is what was at stake here in Berlin all those years. And because courageous crowds climbed atop that wall, because corrupt dictatorships gave way to new democracies, because millions across this continent now breathe the fresh air of freedom, we can say, here in Berlin, here in Europe - our values won. Openness won. Tolerance won. And freedom won here in Berlin. (Applause.)

And yet, more than two decades after that triumph, we must acknowledge that there can, at times, be a complacency among our Western democracies. Today, people often come together in places like this to remember history - not to make it. After all, we face no concrete walls, no barbed wire. There are no tanks poised across a border. There are no visits to fallout shelters. And so sometimes there can be a sense that the great challenges have somehow passed. And that brings with it a temptation to turn inward - to think of our own pursuits, and not the sweep of history; to believe that we\’ve settled history\’s accounts, that we can simply enjoy the fruits won by our forebears.

But I come here today, Berlin, to say complacency is not the character of great nations. Today\’s threats are not as stark as they were half a century ago, but the struggle for freedom and security and human dignity - that struggle goes on. And I\’ve come here, to this city of hope, because the tests of our time demand the same fighting spirit that defined Berlin a half-century ago.

Chancellor Merkel mentioned that we mark the anniversary of President John F. Kennedy\’s stirring defense of freedom, embodied in the people of this great city. His pledge of solidarity - «Ich bin ein Berliner» - (applause) - echoes through the ages. But that\’s not all that he said that day. Less remembered is the challenge that he issued to the crowd before him: «Let me ask you», he said to those Berliners, «let me ask you to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today» and «beyond the freedom of merely this city.» Look, he said, «to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.»

President Kennedy was taken from us less than six months after he spoke those words. And like so many who died in those decades of division, he did not live to see Berlin united and free. Instead, he lives forever as a young man in our memory. But his words are timeless because they call upon us to care more about things than just our own self-comfort, about our own city, about our own country. They demand that we embrace the common endeavor of all humanity.

And if we lift our eyes, as President Kennedy called us to do, then we\’ll recognize that our work is not yet done. For we are not only citizens of America or Germany - we are also citizens of the world. And our fates and fortunes are linked like never before.

We may no longer live in fear of global annihilation, but so long as nuclear weapons exist, we are not truly safe. (Applause.) We may strike blows against terrorist networks, but if we ignore the instability and intolerance that fuels extremism, our own freedom will eventually be endangered. We may enjoy a standard of living that is the envy of the world, but so long as hundreds of millions endure the agony of an empty stomach or the anguish of unemployment, we\’re not truly prosperous. (Applause.)

I say all this here, in the heart of Europe, because our shared past shows that none of these challenges can be met unless we see ourselves as part of something bigger than our own experience. Our alliance is the foundation of global security. Our trade and our commerce is the engine of our global economy. Our values call upon us to care about the lives of people we will never meet. When Europe and America lead with our hopes instead of our fears, we do things that no other nations can do, no other nations will do. So we have to lift up our eyes today and consider the day of peace with justice that our generation wants for this world.

I\’d suggest that peace with justice begins with the example we set here at home, for we know from our own histories that intolerance breeds injustice. Whether it\’s based on race, or religion, gender or sexual orientation, we are stronger when all our people - no matter who they are or what they look like - are granted opportunity, and when our wives and our daughters have the same opportunities as our husbands and our sons. (Applause.)

When we respect the faiths practiced in our churches and synagogues, our mosques and our temples, we\’re more secure. When we welcome the immigrant with his talents or her dreams, we are renewed. (Applause.) When we stand up for our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters and treat their love and their rights equally under the law, we defend our own liberty as well. We are more free when all people can pursue their own happiness. (Applause.)

And as long as walls exist in our hearts to separate us from those who don¹t look like us, or think like us, or worship as we do, then we\’re going to have to work harder, together, to bring those walls of division down.

Peace with justice means free enterprise that unleashes the talents and creativity that reside in each of us; in other models, direct economic growth from the top down or relies solely on the resources extracted from the earth. But we believe that real prosperity comes from our most precious resource - our people. And that\’s why we choose to invest in education, and science and research. (Applause.)

And now, as we emerge from recession, we must not avert our eyes from the insult of widening inequality, or the pain of youth who are unemployed. We have to build new ladders of opportunity in our own societies that - even as we pursue new trade and investment that fuels growth across the Atlantic.

America will stand with Europe as you strengthen your union. And we want to work with you to make sure that every person can enjoy the dignity that comes from work - whether they live in Chicago or Cleveland or Belfast or Berlin, in Athens or Madrid, everybody deserves opportunity. We have to have economies that are working for all people, not just those at the very top. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means extending a hand to those who reach for freedom, wherever they live. Different peoples and cultures will follow their own path, but we must reject the lie that those who live in distant places don\’t yearn for freedom and self-determination just like we do; that they don¹t somehow yearn for dignity and rule of law just like we do. We cannot dictate the pace of change in places like the Arab world, but we must reject the excuse that we can do nothing to support it. (Applause.)

We cannot shrink from our role of advancing the values we believe in - whether it\’s supporting Afghans as they take responsibility for their future, or working for an Israeli-Palestinian peace - (applause) - or engaging as we\’ve done in Burma to help create space for brave people to emerge from decades of dictatorship. In this century, these are the citizens who long to join the free world. They are who you were. They deserve our support, for they too, in their own way, are citizens of Berlin. And we have to help them every day. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means pursuing the security of a world without nuclear weapons - no matter how distant that dream may be. And so, as President, I\’ve strengthened our efforts to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and reduced the number and role of America¹s nuclear weapons. Because of the New START Treaty, we¹re on track to cut American and Russian deployed nuclear warheads to their lowest levels since the 1950s. (Applause.)

But we have more work to do. So today, I\’m announcing additional steps forward. After a comprehensive review, I\’ve determined that we can ensure the security of America and our allies, and maintain a strong and credible strategic deterrent, while reducing our deployed strategic nuclear weapons by up to one-third. And I intend to seek negotiated cuts with Russia to move beyond Cold War nuclear postures. (Applause.)

At the same time, we¹ll work with our NATO allies to seek bold reductions in U.S. and Russian tactical weapons in Europe. And we can forge a new international framework for peaceful nuclear power, and reject the nuclear weaponization that North Korea and Iran may be seeking.

America will host a summit in 2016 to continue our efforts to secure nuclear materials around the world, and we will work to build support in the United States to ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and call on all nations to begin negotiations on a treaty that ends the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons. These are steps we can take to create a world of peace with justice. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means refusing to condemn our children to a harsher, less hospitable planet. The effort to slow climate change requires bold action. And on this, Germany and Europe have led. In the United States, we have recently doubled our renewable energy from clean sources like wind and solar power. We\’re doubling fuel efficiency on our cars. Our dangerous carbon emissions have come down. But we know we have to do more - and we will do more. (Applause.)

With a global middle class consuming more energy every day, this must now be an effort of all nations, not just some. For the grim alternative affects all nations - more severe storms, more famine and floods, new waves of refugees, coastlines that vanish, oceans that rise. This is the future we must avert. This is the global threat of our time. And for the sake of future generations, our generation must move toward a global compact to confront a changing climate before it is too late. That is our job. That is our task. We have to get to work. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means meeting our moral obligations. And we have a moral obligation and a profound interest in helping lift the impoverished corners of the world. By promoting growth so we spare a child born today a lifetime of extreme poverty. By investing in agriculture, so we aren\’t just sending food, but also teaching farmers to grow food. By strengthening public health, so we\’re not just sending medicine, but training doctors and nurses who will help end the outrage of children dying from preventable diseases. Making sure that we do everything we can to realize the promise - an achievable promise - of the first AIDS-free generation. That is something that is possible if we feel a sufficient sense of urgency. (Applause.)

Our efforts have to be about more than just charity. They\’re about new models of empowering people - to build institutions; to abandon the rot of corruption; to create ties of trade, not just aid, both with the West and among the nations they\’re seeking to rise and increase their capacity. Because when they succeed, we will be more successful as well. Our fates are linked, and we cannot ignore those who are yearning not only for freedom but also prosperity.

And finally, let\’s remember that peace with justice depends on our ability to sustain both the security of our societies and the openness that defines them. Threats to freedom don\’t merely come from the outside. They can emerge from within - from our own fears, from the disengagement of our citizens.

For over a decade, America has been at war. Yet much has now changed over the five years since I last spoke here in Berlin. The Iraq war is now over. The Afghan war is coming to an end. Osama bin Laden is no more. Our efforts against al Qaeda are evolving. And given these changes, last month, I spoke about America\’s efforts against terrorism. And I drew inspiration from one of our founding fathers, James Madison, who wrote, «No nation could preserve its freedom in the midst of continual warfare.» James Madison is right - which is why, even as we remain vigilant about the threat of terrorism, we must move beyond a mindset of perpetual war.

And in America, that means redoubling our efforts to close the prison at Guantanamo. (Applause.) It means tightly controlling our use of new technologies like drones. It means balancing the pursuit of security with the protection of privacy. (Applause.)

And I\’m confident that that balance can be struck. I\’m confident of that, and I\’m confident that working with Germany, we can keep each other safe while at the same time maintaining those essential values for which we fought for.

Our current programs are bound by the rule of law, and they\’re focused on threats to our security - not the communications of ordinary persons. They help confront real dangers, and they keep people safe here in the United States and here in Europe. But we must accept the challenge that all of us in democratic governments face: to listen to the voices who disagree with us; to have an open debate about how we use our powers and how we must constrain them; and to always remember that government exists to serve the power of the individual, and not the other way around. That\’s what makes us who we are, and that\’s what makes us different from those on the other side of the wall. (Applause.)

That is how we\’ll stay true to our better history while reaching for the day of peace and justice that is to come. These are the beliefs that guide us, the values that inspire us, the principles that bind us together as free peoples who still believe the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. - that «injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.» (Applause.)

And we should ask, should anyone ask if our generation has the courage to meet these tests? If anybody asks if President Kennedy\’s words ring true today, let them come to Berlin, for here they will find the people who emerged from the ruins of war to reap the blessings of peace; from the pain of division to the joy of reunification. And here, they will recall how people trapped behind a wall braved bullets, and jumped barbed wire, and dashed across minefields, and dug through tunnels, and leapt from buildings, and swam across the Spree to claim their most basic right of freedom. (Applause.)

The wall belongs to history. But we have history to make as well. And the heroes that came before us now call to us to live up to those highest ideals - to care for the young people who can\’t find a job in our own countries, and the girls who aren\’t allowed to go to school overseas; to be vigilant in safeguarding our own freedoms, but also to extend a hand to those who are reaching for freedom abroad.

This is the lesson of the ages. This is the spirit of Berlin. And the greatest tribute that we can pay to those who came before us is by carrying on their work to pursue peace and justice not only in our countries but for all mankind.

Для облегчения восприятия, можно включить субтитры на панели управления в правом нижнем углу видеоизображения.

Изучайте английскую лексику и американское произношение, слушая Барака Обаму.

Прощальное обращение президента Барака Обамы (Чикаго, 10 января 2017 г.) с синхронным переводом на русский язык:

President Obama gave his goodbye address to his home town of Chicago on January 10, 2017.

OBAMA: Hello Skybrook!

It"s good to be home!

Thank you, everybody!

Thank you so much, thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

It"s good to be home.

We"re on live TV here, I"ve got to move.

You can tell that I"m a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.

Everybody have a seat.

My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes that we"ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it"s my turn to say thanks.

Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people -- in living rooms and in schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant military outposts -- those conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better president, and you made me a better man.

So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, and I was still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills.

It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.

(CROWD CHANTING "FOUR MORE YEARS")

I can"t do that.

Now this is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it.

After eight years as your president, I still believe that. And it"s not just my belief. It"s the beating heart of our American idea -- our bold experiment in self-government.

It"s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It"s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

What a radical idea, the great gift that our Founders gave to us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, and toil, and imagination -- and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good.

For 240 years, our nation"s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It"s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom.

It"s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande. It"s what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It"s what powered workers to organize. It"s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan -- and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

So that"s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard. It has been contentious. Sometimes it has been bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.

If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history -- if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran"s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9-11 -- if I had told you that we would win marriage equality and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens -- if I had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high.

But that"s what we did. That"s what you did. You were the change. The answer to people"s hopes and, because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

In 10 days the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy. No, no, no, no, no. The peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected President to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me.

Because it"s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face. We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on earth.

Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency of our people. Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

And that"s what I want to focus on tonight, the state of our democracy. Understand democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued, they quarreled, and eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity. The idea that, for all our outward differences, we"re all in this together, that we rise or fall as one.

There have been moments throughout our history that threatened that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality, demographic change, and the specter of terrorism. These forces haven"t just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids and create good jobs and protect our homeland.

In other words, it will determine our future. To begin with, our democracy won"t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity.

And the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again.

The wealthy are paying a fair share of taxes. Even as the stock market shatters records, the unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.

Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I"ve said, and I mean it, anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we"ve made to our health care system, that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it.

Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit. But to make people"s lives better.

But, for all the real progress that we"ve made, we know it"s not enough. Our economy doesn"t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class, and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class.

That"s the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic idea. While the top 1 percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many of our families in inner cities and in rural counties have been left behind.

The laid off factory worker, the waitress or health care worker who"s just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills. Convinced that the game is fixed against them. That their government only serves the interest of the powerful. That"s a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

Now there"re no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won"t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good middle class jobs obsolete.

And so we"re going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need.

To give workers the power...

To unionize for better wages.

To update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now.

And make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and the individuals who reap the most from this new economy don"t avoid their obligations to the country that"s made their very success possible.

We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can"t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don"t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

There"s a second threat to our democracy. And this one is as old as our nation itself.

After my election there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however well intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent...

And often divisive force in our society.

Now I"ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10 or 20 or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say.

You can see it not just in statistics. You see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum. But we"re not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do.

If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves.

If we"re unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don"t look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children -- because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America"s workforce.

And we have shown that our economy doesn"t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

So if we"re going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination -- in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system.

That is what our Constitution and highest ideals require.

But laws alone won"t be enough. Hearts must change. It won"t change overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to work the way it should in this increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said "You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view, until you climb into his skin and walk around in it."

For blacks and other minority groups, that means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face. Not only the refugee or the immigrant or the rural poor or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who from the outside may seem like he"s got all the advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic, and cultural, and technological change.

We have to pay attention and listen.

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn"t suddenly vanish in the "60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they"re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; when they wage peaceful protest, they"re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment that our founders promised.

For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles, who it was said were going to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out, America wasn"t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation"s creed, and this nation was strengthened.

So regardless of the station we occupy; we all have to try harder; we all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

And that"s not easy to do. For too many of us it"s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods, or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. In the rise of naked partisanship and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste, all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable.

And increasingly we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it"s true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there.

And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Look, politics is a battle of ideas. That"s how our democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, then we"re going to keep talking past each other.

(CROWD CHEERS)

And we"ll make common ground and compromise impossible. And isn"t that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on pre-school for kids, but not when we"re cutting taxes for corporations?

How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It"s not just dishonest, it"s selective sorting of the facts. It"s self-defeating because, as my mom used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years we"ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, we"ve doubled our renewable energy, we"ve led the world to an agreement that (at) the promise to save this planet.

But without bolder action, our children won"t have time to debate the existence of climate change. They"ll be busy dealing with its effects. More environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary. Now we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country, the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our founders.

(CROWD CHEERS)

It is that spirit -- it is that spirit born of the enlightenment that made us an economic powerhouse. The spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral, the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket, it"s that spirit. A faith in reason and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies.

An order based not just on military power or national affiliations, but built on principles, the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion and speech and assembly and an independent press.

That order is now being challenged. First by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam. More recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who seek free markets in open democracies and civil society itself as a threat to their power.

The peril each poses to our democracy is more far reaching than a car bomb or a missile. They represent the fear of change. The fear of people who look or speak or pray differently. A contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable. An intolerance of dissent and free thought. A belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what"s true and what"s right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform. Because of our intelligence officers and law enforcement and diplomats who support our troops...

No foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years.

And although...

Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists, including Bin Laden.

The global coalition we"re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed. And no one who threatens America will ever be safe.

And all who serve or have served -- it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your commander-in-chief.

And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude.

But, protecting our way of life, that"s not just the job of our military. Democracy can buckle when it gives into fear. So just as we as citizens must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.

And that"s why for the past eight years I"ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That"s why we"ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties.

That"s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans...

Who are just as patriotic as we are.

That"s why we cannot withdraw...

That"s why we cannot withdraw from big global fights to expand democracy and human rights and women"s rights and LGBT rights.

No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that"s part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let"s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight.

Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world -- unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

Which brings me to my final point -- our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted.

All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions.

When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote.

When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.

But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be swinging.

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it"s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. We, the people, give it meaning -- with our participation, and with the choices that we make and the alliances that we forge.

Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law, that"s up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but "from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken... to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth."

And so we have to preserve this truth with "jealous anxiety;" that we should reject "the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties" that make us one.

America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character aren"t even willing to enter into public service. So course with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen, not just as misguided, but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others.

When we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt. And when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.

(CROWD CHEERS)

It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy. Embrace the joyous task we have been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours because, for all our outward differences, we in fact all share the same proud type, the most important office in a democracy, citizen.

Citizen. So, you see, that"s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there"s an election, not just when you own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you"re tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real life.

If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing.

(CROWD CHEERS)

If you"re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clip board, get some signatures, and run for office yourself.

(CROWD CHEERS)

Show up, dive in, stay at it. Sometimes you"ll win, sometimes you"ll lose. Presuming a reservoir in goodness, that can be a risk. And there will be times when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been part of this one and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America and in Americans will be confirmed. Mine sure has been.

Over the course of these eight years, I"ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church. I"ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I"ve seen Wounded Warriors who at points were given up for dead walk again.

I"ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I"ve seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees or work for peace and, above all, to look out for each other. So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change, that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined.

And I hope your faith has too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004 and 2008, 2012.

Maybe you still can"t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

Let me tell you, you"re not the only ones.

Michelle LaVaughn Robinson of the South Side...

For the past 25 years you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend.

You took on a role you didn"t ask for. And you made it your own with grace and with grit and with style, and good humor.

You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody.

And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.

You have made me proud, and you have made the country proud.

Malia and Sasha...

Under the strangest of circumstances you have become two amazing young women.

You are smart and you are beautiful. But more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion.

You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I have done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad.

To Joe Biden...

The scrappy kid from Scranton...

Who became Delaware"s favorite son. You were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best.

Not just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the bargain I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family. And your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives.

To my remarkable staff, for eight years, and for some of you a whole lot more, I have drawn from your energy. And every day I try to reflect back what you displayed. Heart and character. And idealism. I"ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your own.

Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good that we"ve done is the thought of all the amazing things that you are going to achieve from here.

And to all of you out there -- every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change -- you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because you did change the world.

And that"s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans -- especially so many young people out there -- to believe that you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.

Let me tell you, this generation coming up -- unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic -- I"ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America"s hallmark, that it"s not something to fear but something to embrace, you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You"ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result the future is in good hands.

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won"t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young or whether you"re young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your president -- the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change -- but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can.

Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America. Thank you.